This is where we hope to keep you thinking.  The site does not focus on diversionary minutia.  You get enough of that  incessant spin coming from mainstream media.

  

U.S. Export-Import Bank

The ExIm Bank is the official export credit agency of the United States. It was created in 1934 in order to stimulate exports from the United States. The ExIm (1) provides guarantees of working capital loans for U.S. exporters, (2) guarantees the repayment of loans or makes loans to foreign purchasers of U.S. goods and services, and (3) provides credit insurance against non-payment by foreign buyers for political or commercial risk. A few examples of ExIm projects in the past year:

ExIm is backing a $77 million loan from Citicorp to Bulgaria so that Westinghouse can modernize the Kozloduy nuclear power plant.

In August 2000, the ExIm Bank signed a Project Incentive Agreement with the Nigerian government and the Central Bank of Nigeria to increase U.S. exports for Nigerian private sector infrastructure projects. The ExIm Bank has similar agreements with Vietnam, Russia, Turkmenistan, Georgia, Armenia and Ukraine.

ExIm is financing the $36 million export of Motorola telecommunications equipment to the Dominican Republic

ExIm is providing $490 million in loan guarantees for Tyumen Oil of Russia to buy oil refinery equipment and engineering services from ABB Lummus Global, Halliburton, and other suppliers, for the Ryazan oil refinery near Moscow and the Samotlor oil field in western Siberia.

The top ten corporate recipients of ExIm Bank financing in 1998 included aerospace giant Boeing ($2.6 billion), earthmoving equipment and engine manufacturer Caterpillar ($390 million), Westinghouse ($197), the petrochemical services corporation Halliburton ($150 million), and General Motors ($138 million)-as well as the Japanese corporation Marubeni ($186 million) and the Swiss engineering corporation ABB Asea Brown Boveri ($215 million). Boeing was the top recipient in 1996, 1997, and 1998.

Amidst charges of bribery, and after personal lobbying by U.S. President Clinton, Brazil awarded a $1.4 billion contract to the U.S. military contractor Raytheon. The contract calls for Raytheon to construct SIVAM, a high-tech radar, surveillance, and weapon systems covering 22 million square kilometers of the Amazon. The ostensible purpose of SIVAM is to map soil, terrain, minerals and vegetation, expose drug smugglers, support air traffic control and climatological studies, and strengthen border security and communications. Critics fear the system will also be used to survey and sell timber, minerals, and oil and gas, and point to Mitsubishi, Lockheed, and other corporations which have purchased aerial photographs of the Amazon from E-Systems, a Raytheon contractor, to prospect for oil, timber, and minerals. More than $1 billion of the financing will come from the U.S. ExIm Bank, on the grounds that the construction of the system will employ many Americans.

ExIm was involved in a $1.3 billion loan for the sale of Sikorsky helicopters to Turkey, and Sikorsky, a subsidiary of United Technologies, is likely to make another $360 million by exporting thirty helicopters as part of the recent $1.3 billion package of U.S. military aid to Colombia. Sikorsky is represented by Congressman Sam Gejdenson, the ranking member of the U.S. House International Relations Committee, and by Christopher Dodd, ranking member of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Narcotics. Former U.S. Representative Gerald Solomon (R-NY), a lobbyist for the Colombia aid package, said the support of Dodd and Gejdenson was "absolutely crucial." Dodd and Gejdenson opposed military intervention in Latin America during the 1980s, but recently changed their minds. Between 1997 and early 2000, Gejdenson received $19,000 in political contributions from United Technologies and Dodd received $33,200. The Texas Congressional delegation helped secure the sale of 33 Huey helicopters manufactured by the Bell Helicopter Textron, which hired lobbyist Tony Gillespie, a former U.S. ambassador to Colombia. "It's business for us, and we are as aggressive as anybody," said a Bell lobbyist. "I'm just trying to sell helicopters."

Loans for weapons exports which might be opposed by Congress if they were to come from the Pentagon are sometimes arranged through the ExIm Bank's "dual use" program under which aircraft and equipment that can be used for both military and civilian purposes, such as the recent $44 million in ExIm loans to Indonesia for spare parts for military aircraft, and a $90 million loan to Romania to finance the purchase of five Lockheed Martin radar systems. "Because transport and communications projects that fit ExIm's "dual use" definition will be an important part of NATO expansion, ExIm loans are likely to be utilized as yet another important avenue for subsidizing the growth of the alliance."

The ExIm is a government-held corporation governed by a board of directors consisting of

James A. Harmon (Schroder Wertheim international investment bank), Jackie M. Clegg (staff to U.S. Senator Jake Garn and Senate committees), Dan Renberg (staff for U.S. Senator Arlen Specter, attorney for Wiley, Rein & Fielding), Dorian Vanessa Weaver (White House staff for U.S. President Clinton, Engineering Research Associates), U.S. Secretary of Commerce William M. Daley (son of Chicago mayor, attorney with Mayer, Brown & Platt, president of Amalgamated Bank of Chicago), and U.S. Trade Representative Charlene Barshefsky (trade attorney with Steptoe & Johnson).

The 2001 annual conference of the ExIm Bank will beheld on April 5-6, 2001 at the Marriott Wardman Hotel in Washington, DC.

U.S. Federal Reserve Bank

The Federal Reserve, the central bank of the United States, was founded by Congress in 1913 "to provide the nation with a safer, more flexible, and more stable monetary and financial system." The Federal Reserve Bank describes itself as a government agency, and its duties as (1) conducting the nation's monetary policy; (2) supervising and regulating banking institutions and protecting the credit rights of consumers; (3) maintaining the stability of the financial system; and (4) providing certain financial services to the U.S. government, the public, financial institutions, and foreign official institutions. As discussed in Part 1 of this report, central banks are actually quasi-official corporations with unique and enormous power to set interest rates, loan money to banks and to the government itself, and to transfer currency and gold to and from other countries.

There are twelve regional Federal Reserve Banks, in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Cleveland, Richmond, Atlanta, Chicago, St. Louis, Minneapolis, Kansas City, Dallas, and San Francisco.

The Federal Reserve's board of governors consists of seven bankers appointed by the U.S. President and confirmed by the U.S. Senate to serve 14-year terms of office. Members may serve only one term. The President also designates, with Senate confirmation, two members of the board to be chairman and vice chairman, for four-year terms.

The seven board members constitute a majority of the twelve-member Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC), which makes decisions affecting the cost and availability of money and credit in the economy. The other five members of the FOMC are Reserve Bank presidents, one of whom is the president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York.

The members of the board "routinely confer with officials of other government agencies, representatives of banking industry groups, officials of the central banks of other countries, members of Congress and academicians. For example, they meet frequently with Treasury officials and the Council of Economic Advisers to help evaluate the economic climate and to discuss objectives for the nation's economy. Governors also discuss the international monetary system with central bankers of other countries and are in close contact with the heads of the U.S. agencies that make foreign loans and conduct foreign financial transactions."

Alan Greenspan, current chairman of the Federal Reserve, was originally appointed in 1987 by U.S. President Reagan. Under his leadership, the Fed bailed out Long-Term Capital Management, a hedge fund with several former Fed officials on its board, and cut interest rates three times to prop up weak Asian and Latin American currencies and the Dow Jones.

U.S. Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC)

The mission of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC), part of the U.S. Department of State, is to "to mobilize and facilitate the participation of United States private capital and skills in the economic and social development of less developed countries and areas, and countries in transition from nonmarket to market economies, thereby complementing the development assistance objectives of the United States.."

OPIC accomplishes this mission by providing loans, guarantees, and insurance to U.S. corporations operating overseas. OPIC insures investments against three different risks:

Inconvertibility of currency, which protects investors from increased restrictions on the investor's ability to "convert local currency into U.S. dollars" (in other words, remove their profits from the host country).

Expropriation coverage provides compensation for losses due to confiscation, nationalization, or governmental actions which "deprive the investor of its fundamental rights in the investment."

Political risk insurance, which covers investors against losses caused by "politically motivated acts of violence [such as] war, revolution, insurrection or civil strife, including terrorism and sabotage."

OPIC's rationale is that "private sector investment overseas contributes substantially to both the national and foreign policy interests of U.S. citizens. It strengthens and expands the U.S. economy by improving U.S. competitiveness in the international marketplace. It also helps less developed nations expand their economies and become valuable markets for U.S. goods and services, thereby increasing U.S. exports and creating U.S. jobs."

OPIC also "advocates on behalf of U.S. business clients that have made long-term investments in emerging markets and developing nations. OPIC also works with host country governments to help create economic climates that attract U.S. investment, facilitating the entry of hundreds of U.S. businesses into new markets abroad."

OPIC also sponsors seminars and conferences and works with other federal government agencies, state and local governments, private organizations and multilateral institutions to "increase awareness" among U.S. companies of the "real opportunities for business expansion through overseas investment."

OPIC claims to have supported (corporate) investments worth nearly $130 billion in 140 countries, generated $61 billion in U.S. (corporate) exports, and helped to create 242,000 American jobs. OPIC-backed projects include agribusiness, telecommunications, financial services, manufacturing, mining, energy, and transportation. Like many other national and multinational agencies, OPIC is also using government-guaranteed subsidies to support "privatization" projects.

OPIC is typically financing and insuring 400 corporations. Its project lists are published as part of its annual report, and they are available in the OPIC website. Below is a table of recent projects.

Recipient	Location	Project
Citibank	Central America and Caribbean	Central American and Caribbean Investment Facility, a $200 million medium-to-long-term lending facility to support private sector development (Feb 1999)
Entergy Power Group	Bulgaria	Privatization and modernization of the 840-megawatt lignite-fired Maritza East III power plant.
Soros Private Fund Management (SPFM)	Albania, Bulgaria, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Romania, Slovenia, Turkey and Montenegro, "an emerging consumer market of 112 million people."	$100 million loan guaranty for the Southeast Europe Equity Fund managed by SPFM, which will be required to raise $50 million of equity capital. OPIC already provides $65 million in financing and insurance for projects in Bulgaria, Croatia and Romania, and other OPIC-supported funds have invested more than $30 million in the region.
Atlantic Methanol Production Co. (CMS Enterprises and Nobel Affiliates and the Guinean government)	Equatorial Guinea	$173 million guaranty and up to $200 million in political risk insurance for a $450 million methanol plant on the island of Bioko.
Ritz-Carlton Hotel Company	Turkey	$50 million loan guaranty to build a $222 million hotel and convention facility.
Enron Corporation	Guatemala	$50 million in financing for the expansion of an electric power generation facility which will supply 20 percent of Guatemala's electricity.
InterOil Limited	Papua New Guinea	Loan guaranty up to $85 million for the construction and operation of an oil refinery and storage facility near Port Moresby.

OPIC complements the entry of U.S. government agencies and corporations into new markets such as eastern Europe (see the profile of NATO). In early 2000, OPIC and the U.S. Trade Development Agency (TDA) opened an office in Croatia to promote U.S. (corporate) investment in Southeast Europe, following recent trips by U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.

OPIC's $350 million New Africa Infrastructure Fund for investment in the sub-Sahara is expected to leverage an additional $2 billion of corporate investment which will generate $50 million in annual revenues for African countries -and $350 million in American exports.

OPIC's focus on promoting investment is understandable in the light of its unique role in providing insurance against political risk. As OPIC points out, all of its guaranty and insurance obligations "are backed by the full faith and credit of the United States of America," and the threat of U.S. government intervention is usually enough. Of the more than 6,700 contracts which OPIC and its predecessor agency (the U.S. Agency for International Development) have issued since 1966, only 263 resulted in insurance claims-resulting in $545 million in payments to investors. Three-fourths of the claims were related to expropriation; twenty percent were for incontrovertibility; five percent to civil strife, and less than 1 percent to war damage. More than two-thirds of the claims were to corporations operating in Latin America, and have included reimbursing U.S. mining corporations such as Kennecott and Anaconda.

The existence of OPIC's expropriation insurance is undoubtedly a deterrent to nationalization without compensation. [G]overnments have failed to follow through on announced plans to nationalize OPIC-insured investment because we were able to bring to the attention of the governments concerned the fact of OPIC's involvement... Unfortunately, we are unable to discuss these particular cases publicly.
-- OPIC's general counsel Marshall Mays, 1973.

USA*Engage

The telephone number listed for USA*Engage (202-822-9491) is actually for the Fratelli Group public relations firm at 1300 Connecticut Ave NW, Washington DC 20036.

USA*Engage, created in April 1997, is coalition of 674 corporations and industry associations. USA*Engage states that "economic strength is integral to our nation's security and worldwide leadership," and promotes deregulated international trade because "the ability of American farmers, workers and businesses to compete in emerging markets is central to our own economic prosperity and to the worldwide growth of democracy, freedom, and human rights."

USA*Engage members include Exxon, Boeing, General Motors, Georgia-Pacific, the Business Roundtable, the National Association of Manufacturers, the National Cattlemen's Beef Association, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, U.S.-China Business Council, and U.S. Council for International Business and Trade, the American Farm Bureau Federation, Chase Manhattan Bank, and the Chemical Manufacturers Association.

Richard Albrecht, senior advisor to the Boeing Company and a representative of USA*Engage, testified before a U.S. House Subcommittee on International Trade Committee that the group was "founded by the leaders of the National Foreign Trade Council... to give a voice to the concerns we in the international business, trade, and humanitarian aid community have about the current [trade] sanctions process."

The mixed motivations are apparent in his testimony that "today two-thirds of all Boeing airplanes produced are shipped overseas. We must have continued access to foreign markets, especially those emerging economies with fledgling airlines because their initial purchases usually establish what brand they will buy in the long-run. Unilateral sanctions are unpredictable, and for our business that spells trouble... Today [Boeing is] precluded from selling aircraft in seven countries, and at least eleven more markets are at risk because of current or potential [U.S. trade] sanctions. We estimate the market potential in these at-risk countries to be about $175 billion during the next twenty years. What we need is a process that will give our businesses, humanitarian organizations, and NGOs some assurance their investments in a country will not be wiped out indiscriminately by a unilateral sanction." Albrecht went on to complain that trade sanctions also blocked the public financing subsidies upon which U.S. exporters rely-and then claimed that "the only losers will be the American worker."

USA*Engage vice chairman Frank Kittredge testified before the U.S. Congress that because of U.S. trade sanctions imposed after China's 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown, the U.S. corporations had not been allowed to bid on more than $15 billion worth of nuclear power business in China. "Beyond losing this significant business opportunity and the thousands of U.S. jobs associated with it, the award to non-U.S. suppliers had the effect of completely isolating the U.S. from the Chinese nuclear energy program, which has progressed very well without U.S. involvement."

USA*Engage chairman William C. Lane (who is also the Washington director for governmental affairs of Caterpillar Inc.), testifying before the Senate Task Force on Economic Sanctions on behalf of both USA*Engage and Caterpillar, complained that U.S. sanctions in the early 1980s allowed Caterpillar's Japanese competitor Komatsu to capture Soviet pipeline work.

While USA*Engage opposes continuing sanctions against Cuba, it also opposes sanctions based on human rights violations. For example, USA*Engage challenged a Massachusetts state law giving preferential treatment to companies which do not do business with Burma's military dictatorship. The European Union and Japan challenged the state law on the grounds that it violated the World Trade Organization rules that forbid the consideration of non-commercial factors such as human rights in government procurement policies, and require that all countries be treated the same, regardless of their conduct. Meanwhile, USA*Engage challenged the Massachusetts law as a violation of the U.S. Constitutional principal that the U.S. President alone has the authority to conduct foreign policy. Both the Massachusetts and U.S. courts agreed with USA*Engage, and the WTO panel also ruled against Massachusetts.

In a June 2000 press release, the National Foreign Trade Council and USA*Engage "hailed today's unanimous U.S. Supreme Court decision to strike down the Massachusetts 'Burma Law' as a victory for the U.S. Constitution... We are very pleased with the Supreme Court's decision, which reaffirms the federal government's predominant role in foreign policy and should help put an end to state and local efforts to make foreign policy." NFTC filed the suit "because of concerns among U.S. businesses and agriculture that the mounting patchwork of state and local sanctions was threatening to seriously hurt U.S. interests ^" and threatened a coherent U.S. foreign policy. As always, corporate power prefers a centralized political system and opposes having to deal with communities and local governments, and equates corporate interests with U.S. interests.

To underscore the bipartisan nature of corporate power, the lawsuit against Massachusetts had the support of former U.S. government officials like President Gerald Ford, national security advisors Brent Scowcroft and Frank C. Carlucci and Defense Secretaries Richard Cheney and Alexander Haig, Defense Secretary and World Bank president Robert S. McNamara, Edwin Meese, III, G. William Miller, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the National Association of Manufacturers, the American Petroleum Institute, the American Farm Bureau Federation, the Chemical Manufacturers Association, and the Solicitor General of the United States.

USA*Engage tracks existing and proposed sanctions at the U.S. state and local levels.

In December 1999, USA*Engage expressed its disappointment that the WTO Ministerial in Seattle had failed to secure a new round of multilateral trade negotiations, but eight months later found reasons to praise the free trade platforms of the Democratic and Republican National Parties.

Mother Jones calls USA*Engage a strategic "front" organization of Boeing and other Fortune 500 corporations seeking to put a positive spin on business with dictatorial regimes. In one example, the magazine cites internal USA*Engage memos stating, Boeing will contact Rev. Billy Graham" to enlist his support against the so-called Religious Persecution Act before Congress, which will limit U.S. trade with nations that suppress religious freedom. Although 60 other evangelical leaders last week urged President Clinton to support the pro-religion bill, Graham has come out against it. He argues trade restrictions harm rather than help international relations-which is Boeing's position. Graham has also actively supported Boeing's effort to maintain China's most-favored-nation trade, despite its history of human-rights violations. -- Rick Anderson, Seattle Weekly

USA*Engage has an "International Trade Mall" webpage which includes links to:

federal government agencies which provide subsidies and marketing for U.S. exporters, including the U.S. State department, the U.S. Export-Import Bank, the U.S. Department of Commerce's International Trade Administration, and the U.S. International Trade Commission

U.S. Congressional committees with jurisdiction over trade, healthcare, Social Security, welfare, transportation, communications, and consumer affairs, national security, foreign policy, and international economic policy

the Virtual Trade Mission Group of corporate leaders from the U.S. President's Export Council, which propagandizes "middle school, high school and college students as part of a new communications strategy for the PEC to increase public awareness of the importance of America's export economy and the need to for a bi-partisan public-private strategy to meet the challenges of the global marketplace."

multilateral organizations such as the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the Trade and Development Centre (a joint venture of the World Bank and the World Trade Organization), and the European Union

pro-business think tanks and advocacy organizations, including the American Enterprise Institute, the Brookings Institution, the Cato Institute, Citizens for a Sound Economy, the Council on Foreign Relations, the European-American Business Council, and the Heritage Foundation.

World Bank - International Monetary Fund

The World Bank (the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development) and International Monetary Fund were established at the end of World War II under agreements reached (by the victors) at the United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference held at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire. The institutional blueprints closely resembled plans proposed by task forces led by the Council on Foreign Relations and the U.S. government

The World Bank provides loans and gives commercial and investment banks incentives for investing in developing countries. The related International Monetary Fund (IMF) was created to promote international monetary cooperation, to facilitate the expansion of international trade, and to provide temporary financial assistance to debtor countries. A third institution, which would negotiate international trade rules, was envisioned but not created because of concerns about the loss of national sovereignty. Fifty years later, the World Trade Organization was finally created, and fears of loss of sovereignty are being fulfilled. See profile of World Trade Organization.

The ostensible purposes of the World Bank and IMF were to reconstruct after the war, and to prevent the return of the trade barriers, unstable exchange rates, and inflation which had contributed to the war. The actual effects have been to force open the world's local economies to multinational corporations. So much of the Bank's loans go to oil, gas, and mining projects that it has been called the "largest single purveyor of the 'development' model that has razed the social and ecological foundations of the nonindustrial world."

An "essential aspect" of the IMF's responsibilities is surveillance: overseeing the economic and social policies of the nations which receive financial aid, making sure debtors are "complying with their obligations... in order to ensure the effective operation of the international monetary system." The IMF's financial aid is usually tied to the requirement that the debtor undergo structural adjustments, including privatization (selling public agencies and resources to corporations), exporting resources and goods at the expense of local subsistence, raising interest rates and lowering wages, providing open markets and subsidies to foreign corporations, and, eventually, to even more debt. As discussed earlier, most of the countries which have undergone structural adjustment programs (SAPs) are worse off than they were beforehand. And much of the IMF "aid" to nations which cannot keep up their debt payments actually bails out Northern banks and stockholders from their speculative investments (see section on structural adjustment programs in Part 1 of this report).

World Bank loans and insurance encourage commercial banks to invest in ill-advised projects they would otherwise shun. The World Bank enriches corporations in other ways as well. A bit over half of the $25 billion loaned by the World Bank each year is disbursed in the country where the project takes place. The other half is disbursed directly to the corporations which are contracted to carry out World Bank projects. Corporations hire former World Bank staff as lobbyists to help them win the contracts. Contracts with consultants, which cost ten percent of the World Bank's $25 billion, are not even competitively bid.

The World Bank has set up an Internet-based marketing and information service called PrivatizationLink which advertises "investment opportunities arising from privatization in developing countries and transition economies." The program's initial focus is selling off public agencies and resources in Eastern Europe, Central Asia, and Subsaharan Africa, but public property and agencies are being sold off everywhere. More than 10,000 public companies were privatized between 1988 and 1998, and no wonder: privatization is part of 70 percent of the IMF's structural adjustment program (SAP) loans, and 40 percent of the World Bank's sectoral adjustment loans. Public property is commonly sold at a fraction of its value, often without any competitive bidding, and often without any regulatory system to prevent the stripping and exporting of the assets. A former chief economist for the World Bank has admitted that it "has proved difficult to prevent corruption and other problems" and that the "advocates of privatization may have overestimated the benefits... and underestimated the costs, particularly the political costs..."

Membership and Structure

The World Bank and IMF consist of member nations but are controlled by the governmental and corporate financial leaders of the U.S., Europe, and Japan.

World Bank Group is composed of the International Finance Corporation (IFC), the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), the International Development Association (IDA), and the Multilateral Guarantee Agency (MIGA).

International Finance Corporation (IFC) was created in 1956 to "encourage private sector activity in developing countries." The IFC finances private sector (corporate) projects and helps companies in developing nations borrow money from the international capital markets. "Working in partnership with major international investment and commercial banks, IFC structures, underwrites, and distributes the clients' securities. Securities are placed exclusively with major international institutional investors to ensure that securities are held by stable, long-term portfolio investors." In other words, the IFC helps companies in the South go into debt to the major banks in the North. Since its founding, IFC has committed more than $26 billion of its own funds and has arranged $18 billion in syndications and underwriting for 2,264 companies in 135 developing countries.

International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) is the World Bank itself, which provides loans and development assistance to middle-income countries and creditworthy poorer countries (as opposed to the World Bank Group's IDA (see below). The money for IBRD loans comes from the sale of World Bank bonds to investment managers, bank trusts, insurance companies and pension funds. For example, Citigroup (through subsidiaries such as Citibank, Salomon Smith Barney, and Travelers) buys (and also helps underwrite or sell) World Bank bonds.

International Development Association (IDA) was created in 1960 to provide long-term loans at zero interest to the poorest developing countries. The mission of IDA is "to support efficient and effective programs to reduce poverty and improve the quality of life in its poorest member countries." "IDA lends only to those countries that have a per capita income in 1999 of less than $885 and lack the financial ability to borrow from IBRD. At present, 78 countries are eligible to borrow from IDA. Together these countries are home to 2.3 billion people, comprising 53 percent of the total population of the developing countries." IDA funds projects that "protect the environment, improve conditions for private business, build needed infrastructure, and support reforms aimed at liberalizing countries' economies."

Multilateral Guarantee Agency (MIGA) was created in 1988 "to encourage foreign direct investment into developing countries by providing political risk insurance against such risks as transfer restriction, expropriation, breach of contract, and war and civil disturbance, and by extending investment marketing services to host developing countries to assist them with more effective promotion of their own private investment opportunities." In other words, helping corporations penetrate foreign markets and insuring corporate profits from the political risks of those who live there.

Transfer restriction is defined as "an investor's inability to convert local currency (capital, interest, principal, profits, royalties and other remittances) into foreign exchange for transfer outside the host country." Expropriation is defined as "loss of the insured investment as a result of acts by the host government that may reduce or eliminate ownership of, control over, or rights to the insured investment. In addition to outright nationalization and confiscation, "creeping" expropriation-a series of acts that, over time, have an expropriatory effect-is also covered."

MIGA insures corporate investments "against loss from damage to, or the destruction or disappearance of, tangible assets caused by politically-motivated acts of war or civil disturbance in the host country, including revolution, insurrection, coups d'état, sabotage, and terrorism."

Examples of MIGA insurance in 1999:

MIGA insured the American-based corporation El Paso Energy's investment in the construction and operation of a 3,150 kilometer natural gas pipeline from Santa Cruz (Bolivia) to Porto Alegre (Brazil) against the risks of transfer restriction, expropriation, and war and civil disturbance. The project has also received a $130 million World Bank loan and a $240 million loan from Inter-American Development Bank.

MIGA has insured the International Paper Company's equity investment in a pulp and paper mill near St. Petersburg, Russia. The $30 million guarantee covers the investment against the risks of transfer restriction, expropriation, and war and civil disturbance.

MIGA has issued $40 million in guarantees to Citibank for a shareholder loan to its branch bank in Caracas, Venezuela. The guarantee covers the loan against the risks of transfer restriction and expropriation. "The loan will allow Citibank, N.A. (Venezuela) to expand its services to local and multinational companies in the areas of oil and petrochemicals, metal and mining, and telecommunications. The branch provides trade financing, short and medium-term U.S. dollar financing, foreign exchange services transactions, and development of capital market products.

World Business Council for Sustainable Development

World Business Council for Sustainable Development was created in 1995 from the merger of Business Council for Sustainable Development (BCSD) of Geneva and the World Industry Council for the Environment (WBCE) of Paris, which was an International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) initiative.

The BCSD was founded by Swiss billionaire Stephan Schmidheiny at the request of Maurice Strong, the secretary-general of the 1992 United Nations Conference on the Environment and Development (UNCED), also known as the Rio Earth Summit. BSCD was the corporate front group which distributed the greenwash classic Changing Course: A Global Business Perspective on Development and the Environment at Rio. Greenpeace attacked BCSD at Rio by countering with the Greenpeace Book of Greenwash, which explains how BCSD was formed in 1990 by 48 CEOs of chemical, forestry and pesticide corporations, and how it was interlocked with the International Chamber of Commerce (see profile of ICC above). BCSD hired the greenwash experts at the Burson-Marsteller public relations firm to help lead the fight to preempt binding international agreements for environmental protection at Rio.

The merged organization, WBCSD, consists of 120 international corporations from thirty countries, spread across twenty industrial sectors. Its purpose is stated to be "closer co-operation between business, governments, NGOs and other organisations concerned with sustainable development" and to be "the leading business advocate on issues connected with the environment and sustainable development."

In October 2000, the WBCSD website listed 156 corporate members, including ABB Asea Brown Boveri, Alcoa, Anglo American, Aracruz Celulose, Bayer, BP, Broken Hill Proprietary, Cargill, China Petro-Chemical Corporation (SINOPEC), Conoco, Dow Chemical, DuPont, Fletcher Challenge, Ford Motor, General Motors, Imperial Chemical Industries, International Paper Company, Japan Atomic Power Company, Mitsubishi, Monsanto, Nestlé, Newmont Mining, Noranda, Norsk Hydro, Novartis, Phelps Dodge, Placer Dome, Rio Tinto, Shell International, Unocal, Weyerhaeuser.

WBCSD has five sectoral projects on Forestry, Mining and Minerals, Cement, Mobility, and the Electrical Utility Industry.

The Sustainable Forest Industry Project is co-chaired by the CEOs of Westvaco and International Paper, with Aracruz Celulose and UPM-Kymmene (Finland) as vice-chairs. Members include Companhia Vale do Rio Doce (Brazil), Mitsubishi (Japan), Shell International (UK), Stora Enso (Sweden), Procter & Gamble (USA), UBS (Switzerland), and Weyerhaeuser (USA). The "Forests Dialogue" consists of Nigel Sizer (World Resources Institute) and Scott Wallinger (WBCSD/Westvaco), Justin Stead (World Wildlife Fund), Steven Bass (IIED), Sergei Tsyplenkov (Greenpeace), Scott Rietbergen (IUCN), Jurgen Blaser (World Bank), Edward Markaroff (Russian Forest Industry), and Gary Dunning (Yale University Forest Forum).

The WBCSD Foundation

At EXPO 2000 in Hannover, the WBCSD Foundation co-sponsored a Virtual University mini-course on Sustainable Enterprise with CNN and ZERI Foundation.

With the World Bank, WBCSD co-sponsored a Leadership, Value and Competitiveness training for government and business leaders, academics and journalists in Sarajevo in June 2000. "The two organizations agreed... to a joint initiative to put business ethics at the heart of a new Internet-based educational project in the developing world."

In October 2000, WBCSD sponsored a EURO ENVIRONMENT 2000 forum in Aalborg, Denmark "for industry to interact with government and stakeholders in a constructive dialogue on environmental performance., October 18-20, 2000.

"The WBCSD is committed to Kofi Annan's Global Compact, proposing that business embrace a set of core, principles for human rights, workers' rights and environmental protection" (see the profile of the United Nations for more on the Global Compact).

World Economic Forum (Davos)

The power of capitalism to mediate the gap between rich and poor is pretty incredible. Indeed, I think, year by year, the gap gets less. --Microsoft chairman Bill Gates, at the 1997 World Economic Forum, Davos, Switzerland

The income share of the richest 20 per cent of the world's population rose from 69 to 83 per cent between 1965 and 1990. -- UN Commission on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)

In 1965, personal income in the richest seven countries was twenty times higher than in the twenty poorest countries; in 1995, the income of the rich was 39 times greater than that of the poor. -- -- UN Commission on Trade and Development (UNCTAD )

"Davos, high up in the Swiss Alps, is not the center of a global capitalist conspiracy to divide up the world. Davos is where the global elite meets under the umbrella of the WEF to iron out a rough consensus on how to ideologically confront and defuse the challenges to the system. Meeting shortly after what many regarded as the cataclysm in Seattle, the Davos crew in late January composed the politically correct line. Repeated like a mantra by personalities like Bill Clinton, Tony Blair, Bill Gates, Nike CEO Phil Knight, and WEF guru Klaus Schwab, the chorus went this way: "Globalization is the wave of the future. But globalization is leaving the majority behind. Those voices spoke out in Seattle. Its time to bring the fruits of globalization and free trade to the many."
-- Walden Bello, at the September 2000 demonstrations against the World Economic Forum, in Melbourne, Australia

Founded by business professor Klaus Schwab in 1970 as the European Management Forum, the World Economic Forum (WEF) is also known as "Davos," for the Swiss town in which annual meetings are held. WEF describes itself as "the foremost global partnership of business, political, intellectual and other leaders of society committed to improving the state of the world. Members, constituents and collaborators have a unique opportunity, through their association with the World Economic Forum, to engage in processes of developing and sharing ideas, opinions and knowledge on the key issues of the global agenda. The World Economic Forum is an independent, impartial, not-for-profit Foundation which acts in the spirit of entrepreneurship in the global public interest to further economic growth and social progress." The theme of the 1996 meeting was "Sustaining Globalization."

WEF core membership consist of the 1,000 foremost global corporations; a second level of membership consists of smaller corporations. The WEF Council of forty prominent members meets twice a year.

The WEF annual meeting consists of workshops and informal meetings to discuss global economic rules for finance, trade and development. In the 1970s WEF started Country Forums in which corporate executives were brought together with the government officials from various countries. WEF also sponsored ad hoc meetings such as an Arab-European Business Leaders Symposium and an Latin American-European Business Leaders Symposium. In the 1980s, WEF began to bring together the CEOs in ten different industry sectors (Automotive, Chemicals, Energy, Engineering and Construction, Entertainment, Finance, Food and Beverage, Information Technologies, Media, Communication and Entertainment, Retail and Consumer Goods, Transport Services, Travel and Tourism). In the 1990s, WEF worked on promoting the economic integration of eastern and central Europe and Latin America, and started a Global Leaders for Tomorrow forum and a World Art Forum.

In 1993 WEF began to limit its meetings to members and invited guests only. Media attendees are handpicked, and some have been refused accreditation after reporting critically about the WEF. A minimal number of NGOs are allowed to attend.

World Trade Organization (WTO)

In 1995, fifty years after it was envisioned by corporate leaders and rejected by the world's nations, the World Trade Organization was established to provide a forum for future international trade negotiations and to implement and enforce global trade rules. The decision to create the WTO was made at the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). GATT and twenty other international agreements have since been subsumed under the ambitious and authoritative WTO.

A group of corporations might gain political influence over a decision by lobbying national governments. A bank or group of banks might gain economic influence over an industry or a regional economy by extending or leveraging financial resources. The WTO is distinctly different from corporations and industry associations, because it has explicit authority under international law to decide which local and national laws are in violation of its trade rules.

The WTO's... authority stems from its ability to strike down the domestic laws, programs, and policies of its member nations and to compel them to establish new laws that conform to WTO rules. This authority extends beyond the national government level, all the way to provinces, states, counties, and cities.

- Debi Barker and Jerry Mander, Invisible Government

In addition to negotiating binding agreements on trade in specific industries such as agriculture, textiles, and services, the WTO also "aims to provide a comprehensive legal framework for the international trading system." WTO member countries agree not to take unilateral action, but to submit disputes to the WTO, whose Director-General asks the General Council, convened as the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB), to establish an independent panel to examine each case. WTO tribunal members in cases already heard have included Arthur Dunkel (Nestle, GATT, International Chamber of Commerce) and Warren Christopher (U.S. Department of State, Council on Foreign Relations, Lockheed Martin, First Interstate Bank, Carnegie).

The WTO has ruled against every environmental law it has reviewed, and its decisions have resulted in weakening of the environmental and health and safety standards of several nations.

The WTO ruled that the U.S. Clean Air Act violates trade rules; in response, the U.S. EPA weakened its regulations limiting gasoline contaminants.

The WTO ruled against the U.S. Endangered Species Act provisions requiring shrimp sold in the U.S. to be caught with devices which protect sea turtles.

The WTO ruled against the European ban on selling beef with hormone residues, and imposed $116 million in sanctions when the EU refused to accept tainted meat.

The WTO ruled against Australia's laws regarding the import of raw salmon.

The WTO struck down a Massachusetts law rejecting purchases from corporations doing business with the military regime in Burma; WTO trade rules forbid the consideration of non-commercial factors such as human rights in government purchasing decisions. In some cases, even a threat to bring a case before the WTO results in the gutting of laws protecting human rights, health and safety.

While the Massachusetts-Burma case was being heard, Maryland was considering a similar law regarding human rights in Nigeria, but federal lobbying and the threat of another WTO ruling contributed to the defeat of the proposed legislation in Maryland.

The U.S. weakened its dolphin-safe tuna regulations when Mexico threatened to sue.

The U.S. and EU have threatened to go to the WTO if new fuel efficiency standards are legislated.

South Korea had a policy of allowing meat to sit on shelves for no more than 30 days, but extended it to 90 days to avoid a WTO challenge from the United States.

The WTO's 134 member nations are controlled by the most powerful economies. At GATT meetings in Uruguay and Singapore, the U.S., European Union, Canada, and Japan invited a few selected countries into "green rooms" to negotiate trade deals, leaving the majority of the members out of the decision making. The dominant nations promised to conduct the WTO ministerial in Seattle in November 1999 in a more open and democratic fashion, but once again, numerous countries protested the use of green rooms to control the WTO. In a letter to the WTO chairman, the protesting nations declared that "Efficiency may suffer. Arbitrary exclusion is not an option."

 Directors-General of GATT / WTO

Sir Eric Wyndham White (GATT, 1948-68). British Treasury, UNRRA, Emergency Economic Committee for Europe, Preparatory Committee for the International Trade Organization, Havana Conference.

Olivier Long (GATT, 1968-80). Swiss Federal Political Department and Division of Commerce, Swiss Legation in Washington, European Free Trade Association, Swiss Ambassador to UK.

Arthur Dunkel (GATT, 1980-93). Nestle, International Chamber of Commerce, WTO dispute panelist.

Peter Sutherland (GATT / WTO, 1993-95). Attorney General of Ireland, Member of the Council of State, European Commissioner, chairman or director of Allied Irish Banks, BP Amoco, and Goldman Sachs.

Renato Ruggiero (WTO, 1995-99). Italian diplomat, Italian Director-General of Economic Affairs, Secretary-General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Minister for Foreign Trade, director of FIAT, Kissinger Associates, Booz Allen, and other Italian and European corporations.

Michael Moore (WTO, 1999-present). Former New Zealand Minister of Overseas Trade and Marketing, Minister of Tourism, Sport and Recreation (1984-1987), Minister of Foreign Affairs (1990), Deputy Minister of Finance (1988-1990), and Prime Minister.

Forthcoming meetings are posted at the WTO's website.

Appendix 1. Corporate Lobbying Ranked by Expenditures

	1998 Lobbying Expenditures	1997 Lobbying Expenditures	Campaign Contributions	Percent to Democrats	Percent Republicans
British American	$25,190,000	$4,060,000	$938,971	12	88
Philip Morris	$23,000,000	$15,800,000	$3,546,038	22	77
Bell Atlantic	$21,260,000	$15,672,840	$2,129,743	33	67
Chamber of Commerce	$17,000,000	$14,240,000	$31,151	2	98
American Medical Assn	$16,820,000	$17,280,000	$2,701,907	30	70
Ford Motor	$13,807,000	$7,343,000	$718,454	28	72
Business Roundtable	$11,640,000	$9,480,000	$1,750	0	100
Edison Electric Institute	$11,020,000	$10,020,000	$531,907	36	64
Amer Hospital Assoc	$10,520,000	$7,880,000	$1,460,821	46	54
Blue Cross/Blue Shield	$9,171,572	$8,761,936	$1,581,740	33	67
Citigroup	$8,710,000	$9,040,000	$2,786,942	41	59
Boeing	$8,440,000	$1,020,000	$1,653,838	37	63
General Motors	$8,414,900	$10,600,000	$817,917	31	69
Pfizer	$8,000,000	$10,000,000	$1,137,310	20	80
AT&T	$7,740,000	$7,800,000	$2,122971	39	61

Appendix 2. Top Lobbyists and Their Clients

"These guys are not ordinary lobbyists; they constitute the elite of the influence salesmen who stick around the nation's capital year after year, Congress after Congress, administration after administration-a group of people so self-confident and secure in their access to political power that, unlike many other Washington players, they actually strive to keep their names out of the paper. In their rarified stratum, satisfaction comes from getting the job done quietly and effectively. The client is supposed to get the credit; the lobbyists gets the money-usually a great deal of money." John R. MacArthur, The Selling of Free Trade

In 1998, 117 lobbying firms reported at least $1 million in income. This table lists the top fifteen.

 

Lobbying Firm	1998 Receipts	Top Clients in 1998
Cassidy & Associates	$19,890,000	Boston University Hunton & Williams Lincoln Electric United Space Alliance General Dynamics
Verner, Liipfert	$18,775,000	Philip Morris RJR Nabisco Brown & Williamson Tobacco Starwood Hotels & Resorts Lorillard
Patton Boggs	$14,390,000	Smokeless Tobacco Council Association of Trial Lawyers of America Mars Inc. Pacific Lumber & Shipping Charles E Smith Companies
Akin, Gump	$11,800,000	Citizens Educational Foundation Mobil Oil Motion Picture Association of America AT&T Metro Transit Auth of Harris County Texas
Preston, Gates	$10,150,000	Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians Commonwealth of the N. Marianas Islands Pitney Bowes Future of Puerto Rico Microsoft
Barbour, Grifith & Rogers	$7,410,000
Washington Counsel	$7,251,000
Williams & Jensen	$7,060,000
Baker, Donelson	$6,820,000
Hogan & Hartson	$6,546,111
PricewaterhouseCoopers	$6,500,000
Van Scoyoc	$6,480,000
Tommins & Co.	$5,940,000
Podesta.com	$5,360,000
Alcalde & Fay	$4,720,000

Appendix 3. Top Soft Money Contributors, 1991 to June 1999

Democratic Party

Republic Party

Amer Fed State, County, Muni Empl	$3,671,809	Philip Morris	$6,211,508
Communications Workers of America	3,593,815	Amway Corp / DeVos Family	4,518,500
Seagram Company	2,673,983	Amer Financial Group / Carl Lindner	3,494,000
National Education Association	2,644,927	Nabisco / RJ Reynolds	3,159,627
American Federation of Teachers	2,075,913	AT&T / TCI	2,913,543
Service Employees Intl Union	1,978,691	Atlantic Richfield (ARCO)	2,295,106
Loral Space / Bernard Schwartz	1,949,500	Archer Daniels Midland	2,112,268
Walt Disney Company	1,877,605	UST / US Tobacco / Vincent Gierer	1,927,200
United Food & Commercial Workers	1,789,064	Bell Atlantic / NYNEX	1,910,494
Shorenstein Company	1,660,680	Seagram	1,629,555
Connell Company	1,505,600	Pfizer Inc	1,551,704
AT&T/TCI	1,476,138	Brown & Williamson Tobacco	1,508,800
MCI WorldCom	1,459,029	FDX Corp	1,507,763
Goldman Sachs Group	1,456,300	Enron	1,463,200
AFL-CIO	1,397,161	Chevron	1,460,906
Peter, Paul & Lawrence Buttenweiser	1,382,500	MCI WorldCom	1,423,298
Atlantic Richfield (ARCO)	1,354,038	News Corporation Ltd	1,396,750
Milberg Weiss Bershad Hynes Lerach	1,337,500	Citigroup	1,391,401
Laborers' Intl Union of North Amer	1,256,025	Merril Lynch & Co	1,302,900
Philip Morris	1,237,582	Cintas Corp / Richard Farmer	1,290,000
Thompson Medical Company	1,233,430	SBC Communications	1,265,291
Archer Daniels Midland	1,232,000	The Limited Inc	1,237,371
Bell Atlantic/NYNEX	1,216,872	Blue cross & Blue Shield Assoc	1,228,690
Dreamworks SKG	1,179,400	CSX Corp	1,192,045
Revlon Group	1,168,599	Forstmann Little & Co	1,152,750
Intl Brotherhood of Elect Workers	1,164,109	Tobacco Institute	1,147,422
FDX Corp	1,178,550	AG Spanos Construction	1,132,100
Anheuser-Busch	1,102,764	Bristol-Meyers Squibb	1,111,224
Association of Trial Lawyers of Amer	1,149,250	Waste Management Inc	1,099,352
Time Warner	1,081,333	Anheuser-Busch	1,080,403
Leucadia National Corp	1,066,500	Freddie Mac	1,080,000
Lazard Freres & Co	1,065,356	Coca-Cola	1,068,494
American Financial Group	1,030,000	Koch Industries	1,062,000
Intl Assoc of Machinists & Aerospace	1,020,250	Alfa Mutual Insurance Co	1,047,881
Yucaipa Companies	1,006,454	Glaxo Wellcome	1,016,726
Sprint Corp	964,033	National Rifle Association	982,225
Williams Bailey Law Firm	954,600	Union Pacific Corp	953,547
Ernst & Young International	897,960	Revlon Group	950,000
Mashantucket Pequot Tribal Nation	893,625	Eli Lilly & Co	948,935
Intl Assoc of Fire Fighters	886,958	U.S. West	941,717
Gallo Winery	885,700	Golden Rule Insurance	931,375
American Airlines	864,967	Boeing	918,405
Nabisco / RJ Reynolds	859,299	United Parcel Service of America Inc	918,368
Waite, Schneider, Bayless, & Chelsey	807,087	Paine Webber Group	902,150
Sheet Metal Workers Intl Assoc	794,600	Tiger Management	890,000
United Steel Workers of America	772,801	BellSouth Corp	879,990
Beneficial Management Corp	771,319	American Airlines	863,205

Appendix 4. Top Global Corporations, By Industry

These are the 500 largest corporations in the world, listed by industry and then ranked by size of 1998 revenues. Each corporation's sales, profits, and other data are available from Fortune http://www.fortune.com/ Other rankings of U.S. and global corporations are available at Forbes http://www.forbes/com/ and at BusinessWeek http://www.businessweek.com/

Aerospace Boeing Lockheed Martin United Technologies Raytheon Allied Signal British Aerospace Textron Aérospatiale Northrop Grumman   Beverages PepsiCo Diageo plc Coca-Cola Coca-Cola Enterprises Anheuser-Busch Building materials, Glass Saint-Gobain Lafarge Asahi Glass Chemicals E.I. du Pont de Nemours Bayer BASF Hoechst Dow Chemical Imperial Chemical Industries Rhône-Poulenc Montedison Akzo Nobel Norsk Hydro Henkel Mitsubishi Chemical Asahi Chemical Industry Degussa-Hüls   Computer Services and Software Electronic Data Systems Microsoft Computers, Office Equipment Intl. Business Machines Hewlett-Packard Fujitsu Compaq Computer Canon Xerox Dell Computer Ricoh Sun Microsystems   Insurance: Life, Health (mutual) Nippon Life Insurance Dai-ichi Mutual Life Insurance Sumitomo Life Insurance TIAA-CREF Meiji Life Insurance Mitsui Mutual Life Insurance New York Life Insurance Asahi Mutual Life Insurance Yasuda Mutual Life Insurance Standard Life Assurance Northwestern Mutual Life Ins. Taiyo Mutual Life Insurance Legal & General Daido Life Insurance Chiyoda Mutual Life Insurance Mass. Mutual Life Ins. Cathay Life Scottish Widows Fund Sun Life Assurance of Canada John Hancock Mutual Life Ins. Insurance: P & C (stock) Allianz Assicurazioni Generali Zurich Financial Services CGU Munich Re Group American International Group Allstate Royal & Sun Alliance Loews Tokio Marine & Fire Insurance Swiss Reinsurance Hartford Financial Services Berkshire Hathaway Nationwide Ins. Enterprise Yasuda Fire & Marine Insurance St. Paul Cos.   Petroleum refining Exxon Royal Dutch/Shell Group BP Amoco Mobil Elf Aquitaine Sinopec ENI Texaco SK Total Fina Chevron PDVSA USX Repsol Petrobrás Indian Oil Nippon Mitsubishi Oil Statoil Atlantic Richfield Tosco Phillips Petroleum PetroFina Japan Energy Idemitsu Kosan Fortum Petronas Chinese Petroleum   Tobacco Philip Morris British American Tobacco Japan Tobacco   Soaps, Cosmetics Procter & Gamble L'Oréal Colgate-Palmolive   Entertainment Walt Disney Time Warner News Corp. Viacom Seagram CBS

Airlines AMR UAL British Airways Delta Air Lines Lufthansa Group Japan Airlines Air France Group SEPI Northwest Airlines   Electronics, Electrical Equip. General Electric Siemens Hitachi Matsushita Electric Industrial Sony Toshiba Royal Philips Electronics NEC ABB Asea Brown Boveri Lucent Technologies Mitsubishi Electric Motorola Intel L.M. Ericsson Samsung Electronics Northern Telecom Electrolux Sanyo Electric Nokia Sharp Emerson Electric Tyco International GEC (General Electric Co.) Whirlpool LG Electronics Energy Suez Lyonnaise des Eaux Enron RAO Gazprom Dynegy TransCanada Pipelines Engineering, Construction Vivendi Halliburton Bouygues Taisei Fluor Kajima Shimizu Obayashi Takenaka Sekisui House   Health Care Cigna Aetna Columbia/HCA Healthcare United HealthCare Tenet Healthcare Humana PacifiCare Health Systems Industrial and Farm Equipment Thyssen Krupp Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Mannesmann Caterpillar IRI Invensys Deere Alstom Kawasaki Heavy Industries   Insurance: P & C (mutual) State Farm Insurance Cos. Liberty Mutual Insurance Group Groupama-Gan   Mail, Package, Freight Delivery U.S. Postal Service United Parcel Service Japan Postal Service Deutsche Post FDX La Poste Nippon Express British Post Office   Metal Products Pechiney Gillette Sumitomo Electric Industries   Pharmaceuticals Merck Johnson & Johnson Novartis Bristol-Myers Squibb Roche Holding Pfizer American Home Products Smithkline Beecham Glaxo Wellcome Abbott Laboratories Warner-Lambert Eli Lilly AstraZeneca   Publishing, Printing Bertelsmann Lagardère Groupe Dai Nippon Printing Toppan Printing   Telecommunications Nippon Telegraph & Telephone AT&T Deutsche Telekom Bell Atlantic SBC Communications BT France Télécom Telecom Italia GTE Alcatel BellSouth Telefónica BCE MCI WorldCom Ameritech Sprint Cable & Wireless US West Telstra DDI Securities Merrill Lynch Morgan Stanley Dean Witter Lehman Brothers Holdings

Banks: Commercial & Savings Bank of America Corp. Credit Suisse Deutsche Bank HSBC Holdings ABN AMRO Holding Crédit Agricole Chase Manhattan Corp. Hypo Vereinsbank Fortis Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi Société Générale UBS Banque Nationale de Paris Industrial Bank of Japan Bank One Corp. Banco Do Brasil Lloyds TSB Group Dresdner Bank Westdeutsche Landesbank Crédit Lyonnais Barclays Bank Industrial & Commercial Bank National Westminster Bank First Union Corp. Commerzbank Bank Of China Sumitomo Bank Wells Fargo Fuji Bank Sanwa Bank Rabobank J.P. Morgan & Co. Santander Group Abbey National Banco Bradesco Sakura Bank Cie Financière De Paribas Dai-Ichi Kangyo Bank Halifax Bayerische Landesbank Banco Bilbao Vizcaya Groupe Caisse d'Épargne San Paolo IMI Bankgesellschaft Berlin Canadian Imp. Bnk. of Comm. Royal Bank of Canada Itaúsa-Investimentos Itaú UniCredito Italiano Banca Intesa National Australia Bank Washington Mutual Norinchukin Bank Royal Bank of Scotland Bankers Trust Corp. Bank of Montreal Bank of Nova Scotia Deutsche Genossenschaftsbank Tokai Bank Fleet Financial Group Banca Commerciale Italiana Kreditanstalt für Wiederaufbau Norddeutsche Landesbank Toronto-Dominion Bank   Insurance: Life, Health (stock) AXA Ing Group Prudential Ins. Co. of America Prudential Metropolitan Life Insurance CNP Assurances Aegon Norwich Union AMP Swiss Life Ins. & Pension Samsung Life Insurance Skandia Group American General Power Corp. of Canada Kyoei Life Insurance   Metals Nippon Steel Alcoa NKK Arbed Usinor Sumitomo Metal Industries British Steel Kobe Steel Pohang Iron & Steel   Railroads East Japan Railway SNCF Deutsche Bahn Union Pacific CSX Central Japan Railway West Japan Railway Burlington Northern Santa Fe Rubber and Plastic Products Bridgestone Michelin Goodyear Tire & Rubber Scientific, Photo, Control Equip. Minnesota Mining & Mfg. Eastman Kodak Fuji Photo Film   Trading Mitsui Itochu Mitsubishi Marubeni Sumitomo Nissho Iwai Veba Group Tomen Samsung Viag Nichimen Hyundai Kanematsu Sinochem Toyota Tsusho LG International COFCO Metallgesellschaft Kawasho

Diversified Financials Citigroup Fannie Mae American Express Freddie Mac Food Nestlé Unilever ConAgra Sara Lee Nabisco Group Holdings Archer Daniels Midland Groupe Danone IBP Snow Brand Milk Products H.J. Heinz Food and Drug Stores Metro Carrefour Koninklijke Ahold Tesco Kroger Ito-Yokado J. Sainsbury Safeway Groupe Auchan Promodès American Stores Jusco Albertson's Groupe Casino Walgreen CVS Fred Meyer Coles Myer Delhaize 'Le Lion' Winn-Dixie Stores Rite Aid Migros ASDA Group Publix Super Markets Woolworths Jardine Matheson George Weston Great Atlantic & Pacific Tea (A&P) SPAR Handels   Forest and Paper Products International Paper Georgia-Pacific Kimberly-Clark Stora Enso Weyerhaeuser Oji Paper UPM-Kymmene General Merchandisers Wal-Mart Stores Sears Roebuck Kmart Dayton Hudson J.C. Penney Daiei Groupe Pinault-Printemps Federated Department Stores MYCAL Marks & Spencer May Department Stores Karstadt Takashimaya   Mining, Crude-oil production Pemex (Petróleos Mexicanos) Broken Hill Proprietary RAG Motor vehicles and Parts General Motors DaimlerChrysler Ford Motor Toyota Motor Volkswagen Nissan Motor Fiat Honda Motor Renault Peugeot BMW (Bayerische Motoren Werke) Robert Bosch Mitsubishi Motors Volvo Mazda Motor Man Denso Dana Isuzu Motors Johnson Controls TRW Suzuki Motor Fuji Heavy Industries Lear   Specialty retailers Home Depot Costco AutoNation Otto Versand Kingfisher Lowe's Toys 'R' Us Circuit City Group Best Buy Limited Gap Great Universal Stores Office Depot   Utilities, Gas and Electric Tokyo Electric Power Électricité De France Rwe Group Enel Kansai Electric Power PG&E Corp. Duke Energy Chubu Electric Power Texas Utilities UtiliCorp United Centrica Tohoku Electric Power Entergy Reliant Energy Southern Kyushu Electric Power Gaz de France Edison International Korea Electric Power Wholesalers Ingram Micro McKesson HBOC Supervalu Franz Haniel Cardinal Health Sysco Fleming Bergen Brunswig Tech Data Edeka Zentrale

Appendix 5. Recent Studies of Corporate Subsidies

Source and Year	Title of Report	Types of Subsidies Described
annual Friends of the Earth et al	Green Scissors	Case studies of pork barrel subsidies to polluting industries.
Wilderness Society and Environmental Defense Fund 1993	The Living Landscape: Volume 3: Taxpayers' Double Burden	Recovery of wildlife species endangered due to unsustainable natural resource extraction on federal lands would cost between $72 million and $136 million per year.
Essential Information 1994	Aid for Dependent Corporations: Federal Estimates of Corporate Welfare for 1994	In 1994, taxpayers spent $51 billion in direct subsidies and $53 billion in tax breaks.
Federation for Industrial Retention & Renewal and Grassroots Policy Project; 1989, 1994	No More Candy Store: States and Cities Making Job Subsidies Accountable	Describes billions of dollars worth of corporate subsidies from local, state, and federal governments.
Progressive Policy Institute of the Democratic Party 1994	Cut-and-Invest to Compete and Win: A Budget Strategy for American Growth	$114 billion in expenditures and $111 billion in tax breaks could be replaced with $100 billion in more productive public investment.
U.S. House Committee on Natural Resources, Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations 1994	Taking from the Taxpayer: Public Subsidies for Natural Resource Development	Examines subsidies to mining, timber, irrigation, hydropower, grazing, and recreation. Concludes that federal programs are inconsistent, are not based on need, and do not consider the effects on the economy or environment.
Cato Institute 1995	Ending Corporate Welfare As We Know It	In 1995, more than $85 billion was spent to subsidize private businesses.
U.S. Public Interest Research Group 1996	Feeding at the Trough: Campaign Contributions and Taxpayer Handouts for Polluters	From 1989 to mid-1995, PACs representing industries that pollute contributed $47 million to candidates who provided $23 billion in subsidies.
U.S. House Budget Committee hearing March 7, 1996	Corporate Welfare	Gathers a few statistics and lots of rhetoric on the various subsidies to business.
Public Information Network 1997	Matrix of Energy & Transportation Studies	Summarizes subsidies to the auto, coal, nuclear, oil, and other industries.
Time magazine series by Donald Barlett and James Steele, November 1998	Special Report on Corporate Welfare	Anecdotal accounts of federal, state, and local government handouts to corporations.

Appendix 6. Leaders of Bilderberg

The following table lists selected steering committee, advisory group, and other leaders of the Bilderberg group from 1982 to the present (roles listed as beginning in 1982 may actually have begun earlier).

Name	Interlocks with Government and Corporations	Role in Bilderberg	Years
Umberto Agnelli	Fiat, Allianz, Istituto Finanziario Industrial, Salomon Smith Barney, Italy-Japan Business Group, Trilateral Commission	steering committee	1994-98
Paul A. Allaire	chairman of Xerox, director of Sara Lee Corp, NY Stock Exchange, SmithKline Beecham, member of Business Council and Business Roundtable	steering committee	1994-98
George W. Ball	banker, lawyer, diplomat, U.S. Under-Secretary of State; died 1994	advisory group	1982-93
Francisco Pinto Balsemao	New University of Lisbon, chairman of Impressa, prime minister of Portugal	steering committee	1989-98
Christoph Bertram	director of Foundation on Science & Policy, correspondent for Die Zeit	steering committee	1989-98
Selahattin Beyazit	Turkish businessman, Galatasaray Club	steering committee	1982-98
Conrad M. Black	major media owner, Hollinger, Argus, Ravelston Corp, EdperBrascan, Jerusalem Post, Sterling Newspapers, Sotheby's, UniMédia, The Telegraph	steering committee	1990-98
William P. Bundy	former editor of Council on Foreign Affairs journal Foreign Affairs	advisory group	1982-98
Costa Carras	Europa Nostra, Union of Greek Shipowners, Association for Democracy in the Balkans, Business Advisory Council to Southeastern Europe Cooperative Initiative	steering committee	1982-94
Peter Carrington	former British Foreign Secretary, secretary general of NATO, chairman of Christies.	chairman	1989-98
Jaime Carvajal Urquijo	Banco Urquijo, Banco Hispano, SGS Spain, Iberfomento, Ford España, Ericsson S.A., Kleinwort Benson Group, Asland, Plus Ultra, Agroman, Abengoa Spain-US Council, Prado Museum, Trilateral Commission.	steering committee	1989-98
Etienne Davignon	chairman of Societe Generale de Belgique; former vice chair of European Commission	steering committee chairman	1989-98 1999-
Theodore L. Eliot, Jr.	dean emeritus of Fletcher School of Law, former U.S. ambassador	secretary general	1982-93
Anthony Griffin	director of Guardian Group	advisory group	1982-98
Victor Halberstadt	professor of public economics at Leiden University	secretary general	1982-99
Westye Halberstadt	chairman of Leif Hoegh, former president of the Norwegian Shipowners Association	steering committee	1993-98
Vernon E. Jordan, Jr.	NAACP, National Urban League, Akin Gump, Lazard Frères, Xerox, Dow Jones, Union Carbide, CFR, Trialteral Commission	steering committee	1982-98
Henry A. Kissinger	former U.S. Secretary of State; director of Freeport McMoran and other corporations	steering committee	1982-98
Max Kohnstamm	European Policy Center; former secretary-general of Action Committee for Europe	advisory group	1982-98
Pieter Korteweg	CEO of Robeco Group	treasurer	1992-98
Marie-Josée Kravis (nee Drouin)	senior fellow of Hudson Institute	steering committee	1989-98
André Levy-Lang	former chairman of Banque Paribas	steering committee	1994-98
David de Pury	chairman of de Pury Pictet Turrettini & Co, former co-chairman of ABB	steering committee	1993-98
David Rockefeller	Chase Manhattan Bank, Trilateral Commission	advisory group	1982-98
Eric Roll (Lord Roll of Ipsden)	Warburg bank (now part of UBS)	advisory group	1982-98
Renato Ruggiero	vice-chair of Schroder Salomon Smith Barney, former director-general of WTO	steering committee	1993-98
Toger Seidenfaden	editor of Politiken A/S, DanishTV2	steering committee	1994-98
Jack Sheinkman	former president of the AFL-CIO Amalgamated Textile Workers Union	steering committee	1994-98
Peter D. Sutherland	former director general of GATT, former European Commissioner, chairman or director of Goldman Sachs, BP Amoco, Allied Irish Banks, and Goldman Sachs	steering committee	1993-98
J. Martin Taylor	WH Smith Group, Goldman Sachs	steering committee	1994-98
James D. Wolfensohn	president of The World Bank	steering committee	1993-98
Otto Wolff von Amerongen	CEO of Otto Wolff GmbH	advisory group	1982-98
Casimir A. Yost	director of the Georgetown University Institute for Study of Diplomacy	secretary general	1994-96

Appendix 7. Officers & Directors of the Council on Foreign Relations

Leslie  H. Gelb, director of policy planning and arms control for international security affairs at the U.S. Department of Defense, and director of the Pentagon Papers Project, 1967-69, Brookings Institution fellow 1969 to 1973, journalist and columnist for 20 years at the New York Times, now trustee for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Tufts University, director of Columbia University School of International and Public Affairs, advisory board member for the Center on Press, Politics and Public Policy at Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government.

Jessica P. Einhorn, visiting fellow at the International Monetary Fund, former managing director, vice president and treasurer of the World Bank from 1996-98, served in the U.S. Treasury, the U.S. State Department, and the U.S. International Development Cooperation Agency, director of Pitney Bowes.

Louis V. Gerstner Jr., CEO of IBM and RJR Nabisco, director of American Express, McKinsey & Co., Bristol-Myers Squibb, Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center, American Express, AT&T, Caterpillar, New York Times, Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts, the America China Society, U.S. President's National Security Telecommunications Advisory Committee, and Smithsonian Institution.

Maurice R. Greenberg, CEO of American International Group, Inc. (AIG), member of The Business Roundtable, member of the U.S. President's Advisory Committee for Trade Policy and Negotiations, chairman of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, chairman of U.S.-China Business Council, trustee of The Asia Society, founding chairman of the U.S.-Philippine Business Committee, chairman of Starr Foundation

George J. Mitchell, former U.S. Senator, now with law firm of Verner, Liipfert, Bernhard, McPherson and Hand, director of Walt Disney Company, Federal Express, Xerox, UNUM Insurance, KTI Inc., Staples, and Starwood Hotels and Resorts; and chairman of the International Crisis Group, the International Commission on Disarmament in Northern Ireland, the Peace Talks in Northern Ireland, the Ethics Committee of the U.S. Olympic Committee, and the Pew Charitable Foundation's National Health Care Commission.

Warren B. Rudman, former U.S. Senator, founding co-chairman of the Concord Coalition, partner in the law firm Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton, and Garrison, U.S. President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, trustee of Boston College, Valley Forge Military Academy, the Brookings Institution, and the Aspen Institute.

Lee Cullum, syndicated columnist and television commentator, director of the Pacific Council on International Policy, the American Council on Germany, and the Inter-American Dialogue.

Mario L. Baeza, CEO of TCW/Latin America Partners, managing director of the Trust Company of the West, director of NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, New York Philharmonic-Symphony Society, Jazz at Lincoln Center, and U.S. Cuba Trade and Economic Council.

Thomas R. Donahue, Secretary-Treasurer of the AFL-CIO from 1979 to 1995, U.S. Assistant Secretary of Labor for Labor-Management Relations under Johnson, chairman of the U.S. Special Trade Representative's Labor Advisory Committee from 1989 to 1995, member of the President's Council on Sustainable Development, director of the National Endowment for Democracy, the American Arbitration Association, the Work in America Institute, and the National Planning Association.

Peter G. Peterson, chairman of the private investment banking firm Blackstone Group, former chairman of Lehman Brothers Kuhn Loeb, chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, U.S. Secretary of Commerce 1972-73, director or former director of Transtar and Sony, 3M, Federated Department Stores, Black & Decker, General Foods, RCA, Continental Group, Cities Service, and UCAR International, founding chairman of the Institute for International Economics, trustee of Committee for Economic Development, the Japan Society, the Museum of Modern Art, director of the National Bureau of Economic Research, the Public Agenda Foundation, and the Nixon Center, and founding President of the Concord Coalition

Robert B. Zoellick, former CEO of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, John M. Olin Professor of National Security Affairs at the U.S. Naval Academy, executive vice president at Fannie Mae, Counselor of the U.S. Department of State, Deputy Chief of Staff at the White House, U.S. Department of the Treasury in various positions, director of Alliance Capital, Jones Intercable, and Said Holdings, member of Enron Corporation's Advisory Council, director of the Aspen Institute's Strategy Group on Foreign Policy, the German Marshall Fund of the U.S., the Overseas Development Council, the World Wildlife Fund's Advisory Council, the U.S. Executive Committee of the Trilateral Commission, and the advisory board of the Centre for European Reform in London, advisor to Goldman Sachs.

Paul A. Allaire, chairman of Xerox, director of Sara Lee Corporation, the New York Stock Exchange, SmithKline Beecham, and member of the Business Council and the Business Roundtable, and trustee of the Worcester Polytechnic Institute and Carnegie Mellon University.

John E. Bryson, CEO of Edison International (Southern California Edison), former president of the California Public Utilities Commission, chairman of the California State Water Resources Control Board, co-founder and attorney for the Natural Resources Defense Council, director of Boeing, Times Mirror, W.M. Keck Foundation, and trustee of Stanford University.

Kenneth W. Dam, former assistant director of the U.S. Office of Management and Budget for national security and international affairs, executive director of the Council on Economic Policy, provost of the University of Chicago Law School, U.S. deputy secretary of state, IBM vice president for law and external relations, CEO of the United Way of America

Laura D'Andrea Tyson, dean of the UC Berkeley School of Business, former chairman of the National Economic Council, columnist and commentator for Business Week and Nightly Business Report, director of Ameritech, Eastman Kodak, Human Genome Sciences, Inc., Morgan Stanley, Dean Witter, Discover & Co., E.M. Warburg Pincus & Co., Healthcare Corporation, The Asia Foundation, the Institute of International Economics, New America Foundation, Center for International Relations, and Trilateral Commission.

Peggy Rockefeller Dulany, president of Synergos Institute, director of the Mega-Cities Project (a transnational non-profit network of community, academic, government, business, and media leaders), director of the New York City Partnership, consultant to United Nations and Ford Foundation on health care and family planning, member of the Inter-American Dialogue.

Martin S. Feldstein, Martin S. Feldstein, the Harvard economist, chairman of Reagan's Council of Economic Advisers, head of the National Bureau of Economic Research, and advocate of privatization.

Bette Bao Lord, novelist, director of Radio Free Asia, trustee of Freedom House, and wife of former U.S. ambassador to China and U.S. State Department official Winston Lord.

Vincent A. Mai, chairman of AEA Investors (founded in 1969 by the Rockefeller, Harriman, and Mellon industrial families; other members have included the CEOs of major corporations such as AT&T, GE, GM, IBM), director of Fannie Mae.

Michael H. Moskow, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago, former official with the U.S. Council of Economic Advisors, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, U.S. Department of Labor, CEO of Velsicol Chemical, U.S. Deputy United States Trade Representative under Bush, and director of the National Bureau of Economic Research.

Garrick Utley, reporter for NBC, ABC, and CNN.

John Deutch, revolving door between Massachusetts Institute of Technology and U.S. Department of Defense since the 1960s, Deputy Secretary 1994-95, director of U.S. Central Intelligence Agency 1995-96, director of Perkin-Elmer, Schlumberger, Citicorp, and Science Applications and Instruments Corporation (SAIC).

Carla A. Hills, Hills & Company International Consultants, director of IBM, Standard Oil, American Airlines, American International Group, Chevron, Lucent Technologies, Time Warner, advisor to Center for Strategic and International Studies, vice chair of National Committee on U.S.-China Relations and U.S. China Business Council, member of the Trilateral Commission, U.S. Trade Representative 1989-93, chairman of Urban Institute 1983-88, member of the Reagan's Commission on Defense Management, chairman of American Bar Association Antitrust Section, Secretary of U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development under Ford.

Robert D. Hormats, vice chairman Goldman Sachs, National Security Council advisor to Henry Kissinger, Brent Scowcroft and Zbigniew Brzezinski, official with the U.S. Department of State and the office of U.S. Trade Representative, member of the Trilateral Commission, director of the Russian-American Enterprise Fund (now the U.S. Russia Investment Fund).

William J. McDonough, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, executive with First National Bank of Chicago, adviser to the World Bank and International Finance Corporation, and Inter-American Development Bank, was with U.S. State Department in 1960s, director of the Bank for International Settlements, chairman of the Basle Committee on Banking Supervision, director of the New York Philharmonic Orchestra, member of the Trilateral Commission, trustee of The Economic Club of New York.

Theodore C. Sorensen, partner at Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison, specializing in international business and government transactions, director of the Twentieth Century Fund, policy adviser and legal counsel to Senator and President John F. Kennedy.

George Soros, billionaire investor and head of foundations with 50 offices worldwide, employing 1,000 staff, and spending more than $300 million a year for the "development of open societies."

Honorary Officers and Directors Emeriti

Douglas Dillon, investment banker, member of the New York Stock Exchange 1931-36, director of the United States and Foreign Securities Corporation, director and chairman of Dillon, Read, appointed U.S. Secretary of the Treasury under Kennedy, Under Secretary of State under Eisenhower, instrumental in creation of Organization of American States, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, and Inter-American Development Bank, Alliance for Progress Program.

Caryl P. Haskins, General Electric and MIT in the 1930-40s, Haskins Labs, director of DuPont, president of Carnegie Institution.

Charles McC. Mathias Jr., U.S. House and Senate 1961-85, chairman of First American Bankshares, partner in the international law firm of Jones, Day, Reavis and Pogue, president of the North Atlantic Assembly (NATO parliamentarians).

David Rockefeller, chairman of Chase Manhattan Bank, founder of Trilateral Commission, chairman of Rockefeller Brothers Fund, member of Bilderberg, Business Council, Business Roundtable, etc.

Robert A. Scalapino, political science professor at the University of California Berkeley 1962-90, Institute of East Asian Studies, Social Science Research Council, National Endowment for the Humanities, the Henry Luce Foundation, Earhart Foundation, director of Pacific Forum-CSIS, founder and chairman of National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, trustee of The Asia Foundation and the Atlantic Council.

Cyrus R. Vance, Secretary of the U.S. Army and Deputy Defense Secretary under Kennedy and Johnson, peace negotiator with North Vietnam, U.S. Secretary of State under Carter, envoy for United Nations Secretaries General, director of New York Times, IBM, General Dynamics, Manufacturers Trust, Pan American Airways, Aetna, trustee of Mayo Foundation, Japan Society, chairman of American Ditchley Foundation, Public Agenda Foundation, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, and the Rockefeller Foundation.

Glenn E. Watts, former president of the Communications Workers of America, executive council of AFL-CIO, secretary of United Way, director of Common Cause, trustee of Ford Fund and Aspen Institute.

Appendix 8. Further Sources of Information

Bank Information Center 733 15th Street NW # 1126, Washington DC 20005 Telephone: 202-737-7752, Fax: 202-737-1155 E-mail: info@bicusa.org (email) Web: http://www.bicusa.org/	Provides information and strategic support to NGOs throughout the world on the projects, policies and practices of the World Bank and other multilateral development banks. BIC advocates for greater transparency, accountability and citizen participation.
BRIDGES Weekly Trade News Digest www.ictsd.org/html/newsdigest.htm Calendar of Events in Trade and Sustainable Development www.ictsd.org/html/calendar.htm	Tracks governmental, industry, and NGO meetings and conferences on trade and development.
Center for Public Integrity 910 17th St NW, 7th floor, Washington DC 20006 Telephone: 202-466-1300, Fax: 202-466-1101 Web: www.publicintegrity.org	Exposes conflicts of interest and money in politics its the book The Buying of the President (1996 and 2000 editions).
Center for Responsive Politics 1101 14th St NW, Suite 1030 Washington DC 20005 Telephone: 202-857-0044 Fax: 202- 857-7809 E-mail: info@crp.org Web: www.crp.org or www.opensecrets.org	Tracks money in politics and its effect on elections and public policy. Conducts computer-based research on campaign finance issues for the news media, academics, activists, and the public at large. The Center's work is aimed at creating a more educated voter, an involved citizenry, and a more responsive government.
Common Cause 1250 Connecticut Ave NW Washington DC 20036 Telephone: 202-833-1200 Web: www.commoncause.org	Promotes honesty and integrity in government, and focuses on campaign finance and ethics reform. Maintains a website that tracks money in politics.
Corporate Europe Observatory Paulus Potterstraat 20 1071 DA Amsterdam, Netherlands Telephone/Fax: 31-20-6127023 E-mail: ceo@xs4all.nl Web: www.xs4all.nl/~ceo/	European-based research and campaign group targeting the threats to democracy, equity, social justice and the environment posed by the economic and political power of corporations and their lobby groups.
Focus on the Global South (FOCUS) c/o CUSRI, Chulalongkorn University Bangkok 10330 THAILAND Telephone: 662 218 7363/7364/7365 Fax: 662 255 9976 E-mail: admin@focusweb.org Web: http://focusweb.org/	Progressive development policy research and practice, dedicated to regional and global policy analysis, micro-macro linking and advocacy work. FOCUS works with NGOs and people's organizations in the Asian Pacific and other regions.
The Program on Corporations Law and Democracy (POCLAD) PO Box 246, South Yarmouth MA 02664 Telephone: 509-398-1145, Fax: 509-398-1552 http://www.poclad.org/	"Contesting the authority of corporations to govern." POCLAD provides useful critiques of the limitations of attacking the symptoms of corporate power, and suggests ways to redefine rather than regulate corporations.
United for a Fair Economy 37 Temple Place, 2nd Floor, Boston, MA 02111 Telephone: 617-423-2148, Fax: 617-423-0191 Web: http://www.ufenet.org/	Exposes the dangers of growing income, wage and wealth inequality in the United States and coordinates action to reduce the gap, provides popular education resources, works with grassroots organizations, conducts research, and supports creative and legislative action to reduce inequality.

 

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